She avoids taking us around the oil terminal, but it is clear this is where the money for it all has come from — that, and the European Union structural funds that have been ploughed into the country since accession, which are much more conspicuous here than in the pot-holed, half-decrepit, financial crisis-stricken boulevards of other Latvian cities. Lehtovuori, Panu; Ruoppila, Sampo
No child, apparently, ever has to queue for a slide or a swing in Ventspils.
Prooton Eestlane: Posts | VK
The huge amount of children's infrastructure — from a ski-jump to a genuinely rather delightful children's railway running between the beach and the woods, which doesn't quite compensate for the closure of the city's railway station — helps make the place feel a tad infantile, as if it were planned not to accommodate children, but just for children.
For them, too, there is little space for surprise or discovery — everything is spelled out. Architecturally, some of the new work in Ventspils is excellent, especially by contemporary Latvian standards.
The City Council itself is housed in an eco-friendly HQ in an oil town! Today the area is apparently popular with Russian émigrés.
Similarly interesting is the suburban Pārventa Library, in a workaday area of renovated tenements. Two brittle curved steel and glass curves interlocking around a multi-storey atrium over benches with beanbags, to a competition-winning design by INDIA architects — this one even made its way into the English-language architectural digests.
The confidence of the design is somewhat contradicted by the awful paintings of nudes and landscapes on the wall, the sort of stuff a street-corner tourist painter might think twice about exhibiting; it all feels oversized, the readers made tiny by the space.
With a big EU funded concert hall slated to supplement the Jūras Vārti House of Culture, there's almost a sense of over-provision of culture here, more than a town of 40, people could really need. It is hard to resent them this city — the boom ended, as it always would, but at least they have something to show for it. You can mock it quite easily. Ventspils, always stay ahead of the curve! For more from Owen Hatherley, see Deep Baltic's interview with Owen about his book Landscapes of Communism, which considers the built heritage of Communist rule throughout central and eastern Europe - including extensive passages on the Soviet architecture of Tallinn, Riga and Vilnius.
A year-old white male presented with leg pain and swelling, tachycardia, and pleuritic chest pain. He had no significant medical history. A medication history revealed extensive herbal medication use including: coltsfoot, passionflower, red poppy flower petals, wild lettuce, blue lily flowers, wild dagga flowers, Diviners Three Burning Blend® comprised of salvia divinorum, blue lily, and wild daggakava-kava, St. John's Wort, blue vervain, and Dreamer's Blend® comprised of Calea zacatechichi, vervain, Entada rheedii, wild lettuce, and Eschscholzia californica. A hypercoagulable work-up was negative.
Many participants were surprised to realise that several of the organisations celebrated their tenth birthday last year. But where do the roots of this new inter-disciplinarity and desire to have a say in spatial issues lie?
It seems that the change in thinking brought on by the westernisation of the younger generations is not characteristic of Estonia and Tallinn alone; similar developments can also be seen in the capitals of Latvia and Lithuania as well as in other post-socialist countries. The development of urban planning in the post-socialist space The s have recently become a trendy subject again.
The insane and often indefinable situation following the immediate aftermath of the collapse of Simon Brown Lazy Trading System Soviet Union and the concomitant freedom and the chance to dream engenders a certain nostalgia in our post-economic-crisis world.
The s saw the emergence of new power structures and the articulation of social ideals in former Soviet countries, often in a reactionary manner and in opposition to the former regime, and obviously following the example of the neoliberal market economy that was prevalent in the West at the time.
While the relationship to the Soviet era has now changed somewhat — the tendency to romanticise the West and the need to distance oneself from the East is not as evident now — these initial processes still greatly affect the present day of post-socialist societies.
When it comes to urban planning, a more in-depth look at the developments in Estonia and Tallinn in the s is offered by Sampo Ruoppila. See Ruoppila, Sampo.
Kaks linna — kaks projekti. Read more in Feldman, M. Justice in Space. Ecumene 6 2 Landscape Research, DOI: Martinez, Francisco Wasted Legacies?
Youth and Repair after a Troubled Past. Read more in Ruoppila, Transitioning into the market economy also meant the birth of a new planning system. The changes in the spatial power lines were also affected by wide-ranging property reform.
Perhaps this is one of the reasons why urban planning, which was perceived as restrictive by the construction industries, was seen as a rather negative phenomenon.
Two main stages are usually discerned in the development of post-socialist planning processes. It centred on the idea that space should be shaped by the market. A weak relationship between the private and public sector was also characteristic of the period.
In spatial terms, the most recognisable legacy of this era is increasing urban sprawl and the appearance of new business hubs in the city centre. The second stage began in the late s, when planning became more considered: for example, the notion of strategic planning gained importance and relevant legislation became more specific. Another milestone for the Baltic states was their entry into the European Union.
This period gave birth to several vision documents, like Tallinn 9.
This was also the first time that the three Baltic states had been invited, but the decision to take part was not an easy one — local businessmen feared that the investment would not pay off. However, after year-long discussions, it was decided that their participation was a matter of national importance and funds were found for a temporary pavilion and exhibition that mostly focused on applied art. The magnificent Baltic pavilion won many awards and plaudits, and for the first time, at least according to the local press, it was possible to show the three small states as unique and non-Russian. The next major joint efforts by the Baltic States were born from the initiative of smaller active groups, and were spurred by the need to show the strength of their peoples under conditions where their states no longer existed: for example, by creating the Baltic University in exile a joint university for Estonians, Latvians and Lithuanians in a German refugee camps, in operation between andor by joining hands and standing in a line to achieve the restoration of independence.
Tafel, K. Tallinn: Eesti Tuleviku-uuringute Instituut. Panu Lehtovuori and Sampo Ruoppila have a vital role in articulating alternative approaches to the development of Estonian planning culture, drawing attention to the unique conditions that enable the birth of a new kind of urbanism here, as well as in other post-socialist cities. Almost anything can happen in a city void of fixed rules, fixed forms, or delivered atmospheres. Lehtovuori, Panu From Privatopia to Liquid Urban Landscape. Majap.
Lehtovuori, Panu; Ruoppila, Sampo Available herep. Eleven years later, inLehtovuori and Ruoppila reaffirmed this belief, noting that post-socialist cities have enormous potential for creative regeneration. The new generation who is involved in urban developments is mostly born in the s and s and the Soviet period is more like a vague childhood memory instead of a heavy burden of recent history.
For example, the strange landscapes of Tallinn, like its coastal wastelands; wooden slums, Kalamaja and Kopli; and its former industrial districts are more like playgrounds, not places that must be quickly filled with modern apartment buildings, or conversely, razed to the ground.
The new generation is ready to experiment and will take their time in doing so.
NETI: Eesti WWW Serverid (sorted by description)
The peculiarities of Baltic urbanism Questions about what kind of cities are good to live in and about fair and sustainable communities were raised as arbitrary keywords in the masterplans and strategy documents of the early s.
This is true despite the fact that all three organisations function in slightly different social and political environments. Additionally, searching for liveability always requires questioning the perspective of the person interpreting the word — liveable for whom?
The desire to offer critical interpretations of the evolution of urban space and to influence it has spurred the organisations engaged in urban space into action: above all, they view the evolution of the urban space as a process, but bizarrely, the lack of definitive answers is also the source for the peculiarity of Baltic urbanism.
The social dimension of Baltic urbanism and the argument for self-assertion The organisations involved with urban activism have now become valuable agents in their field. Their new role could partly be explained by the economic recession of the late s. In the urban landscape, the economic crisis was expressed through a standstill after the development of the boom era.
The range of interests in the field of spatial subjects also began to grow during that period — in addition to architecture and urban planning, universities introduced programmes that saw Simon Brown Lazy Trading System space and creating space as a broader interdisciplinary field;14 This was followed by a cyclical study programme for Urban Governance at the Institute of Humanities of Tallinn University.
We can only wonder whether, had the boom continued and had the labs not gained the approval of the public sector the urban space activities labs might have taken a bolder or more radical direction. For example, none of the organisations listed above have long-standing commitments to very complicated and specific urban problems like homelessness, social exclusion, integration, violence on the streets, the usage of urban space by different generations, accessibility for people with disabilities, etc.
Они загипнотизировали Элли. да-да, именно. Все произошло, как только они вошли.
These methods can easily become tools for gentrification, because some people are always left out from these processes. Even though these labs were born out of a search for alternative approaches, their activities cannot be described as a critique of the status quo including capitalismbecause they operated and partly still do operate in a planning system that intrinsically opposes socialism and is neoliberal, yet full of corrupt planning practices.
They described themselves as offering alternatives to the existing system and new solutions and this remains one of the main justifications for their existence. In some ways, this state of early Baltic urbanism is still characteristic of Riga, where the old methods of urban planning of this shrinking Baltic capital have been slow to adapt the aims of urban labs, and where the lack of a partnership with local government has resulted in flirtations with more radical slogans.
Free Riga began as an urban movement, springing up in as a counterbalance to the mainstream programme of Riga as a Capital of Culture inwith a group of young Riga residents drawing attention to the fact that one building in every five in the city was vacant, and yet there were still not enough venues for grass-roots cultural events.
This intervention was followed by work on mapping vacant spaces and a change in their message. Today, Free Riga acts as a mediator of vacant spaces — in other words, after drawing attention to the problem, they enthusiastically set about solving it themselves.
These soft tactics are the next common trait that connects post-socialist urban social movements in general: attention is drawn to a social issue, but instead of loudly demanding solutions from the authorities, they direct their forces to an alternative, more subdued middle ground, offering innovative solutions for improving the situation.
In addition to this spirit Simon Brown Lazy Trading System compromise, the Baltic urbanist organisations are also often faced with a dilemma: how can they prove their importance and indispensability in the field of urban planning as partners while also acting as a watchdog for the field?
Labs as connectors of civil society? What has been the role of these organisations in post-socialist societies in general? Whether this is a shortcoming of the field or a boon for activists is a different matter altogether. In practice, both the Estonian Urban Lab and Urban Institute Riga include representatives of various fields and work in an abstract Port Royale 2 Kaubandusstrateegia somewhere at the intersection of architecture, planning, local government, the private sector and civil society — and have set themselves the task of bringing these various parties together.
Additionally, several members of these organisations actively speak out for the development of civil society. The institutionalisation and professionalisation of urbanist organisations has certainly been spurred and influenced by financial support from various funds, including the structural funds of the EU, which are aimed at improving Simon Brown Lazy Trading System society.
Several organisations are legally non-profit organisations and their sponsors aim to strengthen the civil society through NGOs. Thus, adopting new methods for urban design and the organisation of society in general is related to the activities of organisations that sprung up in the mids and later. Urban movements and other activities initiated by activists have matured and they are now increasingly involved in urban planning see, for example, the thematic plan made with the contribution of the Supilinn neighbourhood association in Tartu ;16 Read more here.
Find it here. It is likely that through these issues, which are local and softer but bring together various social segments, these organisations have made an important contribution to the transition to a more democratic political culture in post-socialist societies.
Among other things, these organisations have proved the advantages of citizens getting involved with local government affairs, aiming to achieve better results see, for example, the case of Soo Street What are we talking about when it is not architecture, it is not planning, it is not real estate development or any other activity that can be measured by a professional occupational standard? Nevertheless, urban issues have somewhat surprisingly become one of the key adhesives of civil society, even if their indispensability is sometimes not fully grasped by people — we are, after all, connected by urban space.
Destitute institutionalisation A great share of organisations, including the three listed above, got their start with a group of people who were idealistic, wanted to work and have an effect on the community with their visions. They aimed to challenge existing models and ask whether existing urban design is sufficiently fair, inclusive and sustainable.
Kodu - DROBE - Kaubamärgid
This maturing includes an established institutional position and inherent logic, but this is not always supported by Simon Brown Lazy Trading System growth of financial means or stability. It seems that there is an inherent contradiction in these organisations: if you want the organisation to engage with a million urban issues where the organisation plays the role of connector, it is difficult to focus on a specific section of the urban-related market, e. This is also evidenced by the fact that none of the three organisations listed offers consistent full-time employment and everything operates on a project-by-project basis.
Read more Smart Trading System tarkvara LCU from next article.
Speaking and thinking about urban space is a growing trend: for example, the major political parties in Tallinn are already preparing for the upcoming local elections in by trying to define the city of the future. The approaches to space, such as temporary use, that the labs imported during the economic crisis, often from the West, have reached the sights of the private sector and planning offices, and the regeneration of industrial areas is going through new phases. For example, issues of mobility are sure to remain a heated source of debates, which, in turn, requires the role of a connector who could bring together various interest groups in a conscious and skilful way, taking advantage of the possibilities of participatory democracy.
In other words, the question about the institutional location of the centre of competence of participatory democracy in relation to urban space has become more urgent. If people are currently riding the wave of participatory planning, then who could be able to organise it more efficiently?
Will the local governments, who have the legal authority to do so, go through a qualitative leap in their management structures? What kind of additional services do they require and could these very labs be the ones to offer these services? While no distinct agent can be identified as a sole cause of this venous thromboembolic event, coltsfoot could potentially affect coagulation through its effect on vascular endothelial cells as they regulate nitric oxide.
Nitric oxide is a known mediator of platelet activity and coagulation, particularly in the pulmonary vasculature. Kava and vervain have estrogenic properties. Of the medications consumed by this self-proclaimed "herbalist," coltsfoot is a potential cause of venous thromboembolic disease VTE. President Arnold Rüütli ja haridus- ja teadusminister Toivo Maimetsa ettekannetest üleriigilisel konverentsil "